Reflection to Patch Adams Essay

Patch Adams is a very touching, sad yet inspiring story where you can learn a lot of lessons. It is a story about Hunter Adams who committed himself to an asylum for being suicidal. While in the asylum, he discovered his desire to help, understand and connect with people. After leaving the institution, he enrolls into a medical school to be able to accomplish his dream. During his stay in the hospital he helped the patients through humor because he believed that by making them laugh and forget the pain, it will strengthen them but it is prohibited to interact with the patients. It is only allowed when he reach his 3rd year. This became one of the reasons for him to be expelled from school but he never stopped and continue doing what he believe is right. As the story goes on there are many things that hinder him to achieve his dream but the head nurse believes in what he is doing and works along with him. Patch decides to continue his dream while Dean Walcott fights to have him thrown out of school but he always end up being unsuccessful. Patch established a free clinic called Gesundheit together with the help of his friends, Truman and Carin where the medicine is based on love, where in patients helps and treat one another, but the college finds out he was treating patients without a license making his entire career placed in risk. The time came that Patch questioned God if He cares or not. He was devastated after the death of Carin, the woman he loves because of a murder. He complained to God that on the 7th day of God’s creation, he should not rested instead used it for compassion. But God answered back through the butterfly and it brought back his passion he had before, that he is a man of mission to help people. In the movie, Patch has our Lord as his model for compassion. He was able to get victory because of his faith, hope and love. The movie tells us to be like Patch Adams in dealing with other people. We should look at the person beyond all of his imperfections. Patch’s attitude is very humane and his actions are very Christian and it should spread to all of us. We can be doctor to one another by making people smile, helping the needy or teaching other people to do good things. Through doing these, small gestures may cause a big impact to them. We should always remember that our model in being a doctor is none other than our Lord, Jesus Christ. The story tells us that we should have a passionate character. We should use our fears or failures as our key to success. Always believe that failures have seeds of success that will develop in it. Always be motivated so that you can influence other to be motivated too and when there are people who are feeling down we should help and cheer them up. Patch Adams is a movie worth watching, it will satisfy you and will make you learn and realize things. The movie has something to do in our lives, the moral lessons found in the story are applicable. It can make us to be a better person and help us possess characteristics of Patch Adams which are truly admirable and impressive. We should also see problems in a Christ-like manner and always focus on the solution not in the problem. When Patch is treating patients in his clinic, he exhibits great sacramental awareness by simply admitting that we are a community that can help each other. He proclaims that everyone is both a doctor and a patie nt. Patch also nears the meaning of the sacrament of Anointing of the Sick. He heals people in a beautiful way and we should do the same thing. In essence, even at our lowest medicines in life, truly the best medicine is humor. The philosophy of Hunter Adams is really workable. We can continue improving the doctor-patient relationship. Because of the movie, we are able to open our eyes and mind that there is something wrong with the medical system nowadays. We should change it now and try to do things better and in more humane way. Dr. Patch’s character shows that we should help people with understanding and love no matter what. His character teaches us not to give up on what we believe in. Let us be an inspiration to others. Patch Adam’s character is indeed amazing. He should serve as an inspiration and motivation not only to us but also to the medical community around the world. In our life we should not let fear conquer us. We should be strong enough to be different and exceptional. Do not be afraid to stand on your own faith.

POVERTY IN JAMAICA Essay

Poverty is generally accepted as an undesirable condition. However, defining poverty is extremely difficult and several definitions exist. According to Dennis brown (1995), He defined poverty as a state in which an ‘‘individual or group possesses less than some standard which has been defined as acceptable†. In the world we live it is generally accepted that there are two kinds of poverty, public and private poverty, however, the focus on poverty in this paper relates to Jamaica and its struggle to vanquish poverty. Poverty has been a persistent feature of Jamaica’s environment from the post-emancipation period, and from their, it has been a subject of continuing concern and analysis for Caribbean academics and welfare practitioners. It is mainly in the past decade the notion of poverty and poverty reduction come to occupy the central position in both local and international policy. With boldness, Jamaica promulgates policy statements that poverty will be era dicated. With this continuing dance around the crisis of poverty, the distinction between cause and consequence has become increasingly blurred, with the result that poverty reduction policies have little chance of reducing the extreme risks and hardships that Jamaicans face on a regular basis. In both national and international dialogue, the assumption remains unchallenged that poverty can be reduced if only one could correctly and channel the assistance directly to the deserving poor. The deserving poor are considered the vulnerable because of their demographic of physical characteristics, which may predispose them to health risk situations. Even though every individual will gladly accept any help they can get it is considered unfair to the real less fortunate’s of society According to the Planning Institute of Jamaica, over the past decade, the percentage of the Jamaican population classified as poor fell from 30.5 percent in 1989 to 16.9 percent in 1999. With an estimated population of 2.58 million persons, this was equivalent to approximately 400,000 persons who were unable to meet their basic needs. Assuming that three-quarters of the poor were located in rural areas, as in 1998, an estimated 300,000 rural persons lived below the poverty line. The methodology o fficially used in calculating the number of those who fall below the poverty line follows international practice and is built around the cost of feeding a low income family. It is therefore highly insensitive to the changes in food cost. Most basic foods were imported; the effect of 1991 deregulation of the foreign  exchange was immediately reflected in the poverty level, which soared to 44.6 percent. Since 1992 the poverty level has followed a steady downward path, until 1998 when it was estimated at 15.9 percent. One of the reasons why poverty permeates Jamaica’s environment is due to a number of factors that needs immediate attention which is still present in the 21st century today. Rural households are large and includes more children than in KMA( Kingston metropolitan area) households, rural area contains larger proportions of elderly and small proportions of persons in the prime working ages, as well as they can only afford to spend only two-thirds of what (KMA) counterparts spend on food beverages for each household member and their members a more likely to report being ill and less likely able to seek medical care. The question pertaining to who are considered as the poor is generally taken as sufficient justification for the heavy emphasis of current poverty reduction programs on the two target groups of children and the elderly. However in an article named (â€Å"A Rose by any other name†). A woman by Rose Morgan has been sitting outside the villa medical centre in Mandeville who came from Westmoreland in her early 20s seeking job opportunities. According to rose she came to Mandeville and she was pursued by a man that accommodated her at his home, but eventually he died. Now Rose lives off the sincerity of those that pass her by the street. Poverty receives considerable less attention, particularly because of the inadequacy of employment. If rose had a job which she said was impossible to get, she would be else where rather than begging on the streets. From 1995 the government has been trying to get rid of living conditions such as these. The formulation of the program called (NPEP) N ational Poverty Eradication Progamme, coordinated by the Office of the Prime Minister was design to improve the state of the country. This Programme serves as an umbrella for existing programs today such as the Human Employment and Resource Training, (HEART), Microenterprise credit programs; poor relief; public assistance; and food stamp Programmes. Social and economic support Programmes were also developed to promote the employment rate. Employment is seen as one of the major influences on poverty. On November 28, 2012 a Gleaner article entitle, (â€Å"Youth Unemployment still triples national average†), shows that in spite of the government trying to eliminate poverty from Jamaica’s landscape it has some how still manages to inhabit the air we breathe. According to  Director Dr Gladstone Hutchinson, he states that STATIN data during a review of the quarterly economic performance, Jamaica’s labour force increases by 20,600 in the past year (2011). The youth unemployment has consistently run two or three times the national average. The percentage of unemployed youths was 28.7%. The only improvement in jobless rate was on April 2012 (14.3%). The back of poverty is hard to brake, and I insist because majority of those without jobs are unqualified and it is either difficult at their age to pursue any form of higher education or they have no source of funding to do so. These groups of people falls w ithin the poverty category called the consumption group. For operational purposes, the Government of Jamaica (GOJ) has enunciated three categories of poverty which are: Chronic Poverty, which exists when an individual is incapacitated and incapable of independently procuring the requisite means of sustenance. This category includes persons who are unable to work because of chronic physical and mental infirmity or old age and children without parents or with parents who are incapacitated. Those in this category of poverty are the primary beneficiaries of the welfare Programmes that fall under the (NPEP). Consumption Poverty, which refers to able-bodied adults who are unable to meet their basic consumption requirements. This means, they fall below the poverty line as determined by mean per capita consumption expenditure. This category may include both the employed and unemployed. Resource/capability Poverty, which refers to those who are deprived of access to private and public resources such as a basic education, basic health care, basic housing, transportation, healthy environment, water and employment. This deprivation of these basic resources in turns results in impoverishment. Categorizing poverty in this format allows the government to allocate the necessary assistance to the right persons. Hence they will not give those who need help less more than what they deserve. One of the most diverse Programmes, aiming at breaking the back of poverty is the PATH Programme. It is said often times that the children are the future, it is clear that the aim of the Programme of Advancement Through Health is to break the generational struggle starting with the future of the country. Even though Path assists the elderly and the incapable, most of the focus is placed on the school which is essential for anyone’s country. On February the 4th, 2007. The Sunday Glea ner had an article about PATH, (â€Å"Out of Poverty†) emphasizing the 1.2 million spent on  path beneficiaries which 70% were to school children. PATH is a conditional cash transfer (CCT) Programme funded by the Government of Jamaica and the World Bank and is aimed at delivering benefits by way of cash grants to the most needy and vulnerable in the society. In the article the Programme is being questioned why everyone is not benefited from Path. However it was stated that it is not because of budget limitations, but path is working on improving the attendance and performance rate in schools. In essence it justifies my point that Path is attacking poverty at the roots. It was introduced Island wide in 2002. With PATH helping to assist in the elimination of poverty, it still does not conclude that path alone can do it. On the 6th of October 2006 in the Daily observer an editorial comment was made where the writer was in favor of the (PIOJ) and (STATIN) survey on November to the month of May in 2005. It states that poverty fell by 12.7 percent. On the contrary though he states that, â€Å"While we recognize that each intervention by the necessary Programmes are important, we are convinced that they do not provide the long-term basis for the eradication of poverty. For the real solution to poverty is sustained and sustainable economic growth†. In correlation to the writers comment, the (NPEP) comprises of the Micro Invest ment Development Agency (MIDA) which was set up to support the microenterprise as mentioned earlier. It provides persons with the opportunity to gain employment through the establishment of their own businesses (2003). To date (MIDA) remains among the single largest providers of microcredit in the island. MIDA alone has been responsible for providing well over one billion Jamaican dollars to the micro-enterprise community between 1992 up until this very day. Hundreds of student graduates from HEART yearly with a skill and is now contributing to Jamaica’s economic growth. For that it seems as though the country’s quest to illuminate poverty is gradually taking place. The literature on poverty in Jamaica dearly indicates that it is a phenomenon associated with low educational attainment and often affects those who are unemployed or self-employed. Other contributing factors to poverty in Jamaica can be traced back to the increasing birthrate, delinquency in schools, child abuse and possibly drug abuse. It is each individual responsibility to profile their actions into actions that will in turn benefit them and the society they reside in. http://www.mlss.gov.jm/pub/index.php?artid=23 2006 ministry of labour and security: Planning institute of Jamaica, survey of living conditions 1998 FUNDING ENTREPRENEURSHIP AMONG THE POOR IN JAMAICA Social & Economic Studies. Jun2008, Vol. 57 Issue 2, p119-148. FFRENCH, SEAN30phttp://web.ebscohost.com/ehost/results?sid=7145 THE DYNAMICS OF POVERTY IN JAMAICA, 1969-1999. Social & Economic Studies. Mar2001, Vol. 50 Issue 1, p199-228. 30p. Henry-Lee, Aldriehttp://web.ebscohost.com/ehost/results?sid=7145 Friday October 6,2006, (â€Å"don’t just alleviate poverty†) the observer (â€Å"out of poverty†) February 4, 2007 the Sunday gleaner The gleaner june 18, 2009 (â€Å"A rose by another name†) Thompson Mepherse (â€Å"Youth unemployment still triples national average†), November the 28, 2012

Celta Assignment 2:Skills -Related Task Essay

Receptive skills: According to J. Harmer in his book The Practice of English Language Teaching, â€Å"receptive skills are the ways in which people extract the meaning from the discourse they see or hear†. In the following text â€Å"Playing with your food† the main skill that is being practiced is reading and along with it other sub-skills are being developed such as practicing new vocabulary, reading for gist in order for the students to understand the main idea. Enhancement of receptive skills will increase the rate at which students comprehend English language and allow students to practice new vocabulary in its context from the text. 1. Generating students’ interest in the topic of the text. The teacher gives the students a picture of a vegetable and then a musical instrument and then writes the title of the text on the board, â€Å" Playing with your food†. The teacher then asks students to take some time and make predictions what they think the text will be about. After that some of their ideas will be listed on the board. Rationale: This activity will help students predict the topic and prepare for the vocabulary that might be used in the studied text. 2. Reading for gist. The teacher will then ask the students to read the text quickly for a couple of minutes after which they will be asked if any of their predictions, from the listed of the board, were mentioned in the text. After discussing the text briefly students will be asked to read and answer the questions in Ex.1 (see attached exercise worksheet) in order to check if they have understood the general idea of the text. After checking their answers the teacher will ask the students â€Å"What is the main idea of the text?†, â€Å" Is this something that you would try yourself?†. Rationale: This task will help students to enhance their ability to read for gist and understand the main idea of the text. And will also help them answer general questions related to the text. (see ex.1 on attached worksheet). 3. Reading for specific information: Teacher will ask students to read questions related to the text and then read the text itself to support their answers. (see ex.2 on attached worksheet). The students will be working in pairs and will check with the text if they find it necessary. Rationale: This exercise allows students to practice reading for specific information for which they need to concentrate while reading in order to find the correct piece of information they are looking for. Practicing productive skills: As J. Harmer says in his book The Practice of English Language Teaching productive skills are a way of helping students with their receptive skills and in many situations production can only continue in a combination with the practice of a receptive skill. Productive skills are important for students, when they learn them in the classroom, as they help them develop a better and more efficient way to communicate and also in this way they learn the correct context of different uses and meanings of words and phrases. They follow the typical intonation and sounding of a language and naturally prepare for formal or informal conversations. 1. Writing: The teacher will play a video of a short musical performance of the Vegetable Orchestra. After watching the video the teacher asks the students to write a short review about the orchestra and if they feel it necessary they can check with the text. The teacher will write on the board some lead- in questions for the students to begin with. – What was the idea of the musicians from Austria that made the so different from other orchestras? – What happens with the vegetable instruments after the concert is over? -What is your opinion of this music? – Do you think their art will gain more popularity in the world? After completing their writings, students will exchange their papers with their partners in order to share opinions and see if they have followed the idea of the text and to correct any spelling or grammatical mistakes they might have made. Rationale: this activity will help students practice spelling, vocabulary, grammar and text formation which differ quite a lot from speaking. 2. Speaking activity: The teacher asks the students to divide in groups and of 2 or 3 and elicits that each group is a musical orchestra that uses different materials for their instruments, such as vegetables, old office materials, fruit or things they can find in nature. Each group will have to decide on its name, style of music, instruments and activities. What kind of songs they have and some history that they can imagine. After this they will have about 5-6 minutes to prepare and then they will have to introduce themselves to the rest of the class. Afterwards the class will vote which musical band might get in the leading positions of the radio charts. This activity will be useful to students as it encourages them to practice new vocabulary from the text, etc. biodegradable, environmentally-conscious, and to interpret the new information in their own way and engage in a spoken dialogue. Ex.1 Read text and answer the following questions: 1. What makes this orchestra different from others? (they make their own instruments from vegetables) 2. How is the orchestra called? (The Vienna Vegetable Orchestra) 3. What happens to the vegetables after a performance finishes? (they make soup with them for the audience) Ex.2 Read the text again, and mark with True or False the following statements. 1. The text is about children who don’t eat their food. F 2. The vegetable Orchestra was founded in 2008. F 3. The musical instruments are made from tropical fruit. F 4. The orchestra plays many different kinds of music. T 5. The musicians perform more than 3 times a year. T 6. The Vegetable Orchestra produces its own instruments. T 7. Carrots are turned into flutes. F 8. The sound of each instrument depends on the quality of the vegetables and the temperature on stage. T Ex. 3 Answer the following questions: 1. Where is the orchestra from? Austria 2. What combinations of vegetables are used together to create instruments? Cucumbers, peppers and carrots and etc. 3. What is used for drums? Pumpkins 4. What makes better instruments, plastic-packed vegetables or fresh vegetables? Fresh vegetables 5. When was the orchestra founded? 1998 6. What is the orchestra musical repertoire formed of ? From classical to electronic Refrences : J. Harmer The Practice of English Language Teaching, Longman, pages 246, 250-252

Family values Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Family values - Essay Example These values include unabated and unflinching love and affection among the family members, and extreme care and concern for the fulfilment of all the needs and requirements of the members. â€Å"The family is an intimate social setting where the child first experiences love, care and attention that eventually help in launching him/her into the bigger environment.† (Cruz et al., 2011:3) Hence, it is the moral obligation of the members to abide by these values for the strengthening of the family unit. If any member is in some trouble, or suffering from mental agony, illness or physical problem, the entire family should remain deeply worried till the solution of the problem as well as till his convalescence from the ailment. Another distinguished family value to be followed is the mutual respect and unity, which is rare in any other social institution. The enemy of one member should vehemently be considered as the rival of the entire family, and all members should look down upon him with great hatred and abhorrence. Furthermore, head of family, mostly the father, should work hard to provide financial support to the entire family unit, so that family members could lead a respectable and comfortable life in society. Mother should pay due heed in the brought up, nutrition and socialization of the children. She should also offer her professional services to generate money for the family at the hour of need. Family members must maintain deep feelings of respect and regard for one another. The family values urge the children to remain obedient and complying to the commands of the elders, and always observe honesty, devotion, kindness, compassion and dedication to all family members. Family values motivate the members to exercise generosity and emotional support to others, and forgive the others provided they consciously or unconsciously are hurt by the words or actions of others. Hence, the concepts like deceit, dishonesty,

Nature Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 1

Nature - Essay Example On the contrary, natural food products are not defined by any criteria or federal laws. Moreover, they are not defined by federal or legal supervision. Consequently, food products that are labelled as natural are composed of less chemical additives and preservatives compared to other processed foods. To this end, examples of natural food products include eggs, nuts, fruits, dairy products, vegetables, beans, apples, green tea among many more. Green tea is classified as a natural food product because it undergoes minimal processing stages. Furthermore, it contains the most natural antioxidant polyphenols. The most evident polyphenols are epigallocatechin-3-gallate (EGCG) (The George Mateljan Foundation). Moreover, as a natural food product, it is consistent with an array of ingredients that can consequently be traced back to nature. Evidently, green tea is a herbal extract from green tea leaves also known by the scientific name as Camellia Sinensis. The Camellia Simensis tree contains distinct flower and herbal infusions known as tisanes. The tree can grow naturally in the wild and reach heights of up to 30 feet. However, on tree plantations it is maintained as a shrub with heights of about 3 feet through constant pruning. Evidently, the green tea leaves achieve more flavour in the event that they are grown at higher altitudes. The green tea plants produce rich foliage, a berry and, a flower similar to camellia. In terms of harvest, only the youngest and smallest tea leaves are picked for tea. Moreover, when engaging in discussion pertaining to the green tea ingredients, it is more in recognition to the nutritional value. Consequently, the ingredients of green tea mainly refer to the natural nutrients present within it. Evidently, polyphenols or catechins are nutritional ingredients in green tea (The George Mateljan Foundation). Polyphenols are vital antioxidant ingredients. Moreover, they are naturally occurring ingredients found within the green tea leaves. Mo reover, polyphenols are equally present in vegetables and fruits that grow naturally. The polyphenols are credited with protecting the body from free radical damage. In particular, the polyphenols present in green tea is known as quercetin that is also present in citrus fruits. To this end, the quercetin polyphenols is known to relieve people from asthma and allergies. Green tea also contains other ingredients such as caffeine, theophylline, flavonols or tannin,copper, essential oils, nickel, vitamin C, carotene, vitamins B1, A, B12, P and K, iron, calcium, magnesium, saponins, strontium, zinc, theobromine, wax and fat. Interestingly enough, the quantitative contents of the ingredients depend on cultivation area of the leaves. To this end, the contents are influenced by the climatic region and altitude of the cultivation area. Furthermore, the quantitative contents are equally influenced by the growth stage of the green tea leaves. . In terms of processing, the harvested tea leaves are briefly steamed. Thus making them soft, pliable, and protected them from color change or fermentation. The steaming process is soon followed by rolling the leaves out and spreading them out for drying with a pan fried in a wok or hot air. This process continues until the leaves are crisp and greenish-yellow tea colour is produced. The resulting flavour is very

Ethical Considerations Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 44

Ethical Considerations - Case Study Example Bad relations lead to often conflicts among people. In addition, the supervisor should have come up the training program to impart knowledge to all the officers on the diversity management. This will enable all the officers to appreciate globalization and more so, to maximize different knowledge, skills, and abilities from different people. With this knowledge of understanding others, he could have requested people to keep quiet instead of commanding them. By so doing, there could be no violence between the two parties. The supervisor should have given Burn an assistant officer with whom they could work together. This could reduce the possibility of Burn conflicting with the people in the party since the other officer could prevent the conflict. During research on the weakness of the officer, the supervisor should observe privacy. This is the natural right of an individual that is the foundation of legal right. This is very important to all persons because it is the necessary condition of all other freedom and personal autonomy. The administration should understand that there is the relationship between privacy, freedom and human dignity. The supervisor shouldn’t have deployed Burn to a smaller area. This is viewed as discrimination. This brings a lot of dissatisfaction among the officers or any employee leading to increased conflict as a way to release the stress. To reduce this supervisor could conduct regular training to the officers (McCarthy, 2005). The policies that the supervisors shou ld put in place include communication policies, motivational talks, training policies and dismissal policies showing the procedure through which an officer may be dismissed. Through these, officers could behave ethically at all times. In my opinion, the officers, the supervisor and the people partying are all liable for their negligence.

Sex, Lies and Communication Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Sex, Lies and Communication - Essay Example This paper will further explore Tannen’s theory, analyzing it, and make a stand either for or against her theory. I agree with Tannen’s theory. First and foremost, she sets forth that intimacy for women holds relationships together and talking forges this intimacy. For men however, intimacy or bonding is formed by doing things together, not so much in talking with each other. I often observe this to be true in my own circle of friends. My women friends and I usually bond over a cup of coffee while talking about anything and everything. On the other hand, I often observe our male friends bonding over a game of basketball at the gym or at the park, or while watching a game of football. Women find a lot of comfort by sharing their feelings with each other, and they bring this expectation in their relationships with men. I have heard my mother tell my father that they need to talk; and I have rarely, if at all, heard my own father speak those same lines to my mother. At some point in a relationship, women feel that compelling urge to talk about what is going on between them in order to put t hings into perspective. But I have observed that men are reluctant to engage in serious conversation about what is going on in the relationship. And when they are finally asked to talk about things, they cannot do so in much the same way as women do. My girlfriends and I usually talk by facing each other; we are usually not doing anything else to distract us from talking with each other. We stop whatever it is we are doing to listen to the other person properly. On the other hand, I rarely see men engage in face to face conversations with each other. Their conversations are often done while they are doing something; and even when they are seated and talking to each other, they do not actually face each other. Instead, they are

Global Warming is Manmade Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Global Warming is Manmade - Essay Example Scientists have implicated this phenomenon in causing the general rise in temperature that is global warming. The objective of this essay is to outline the various ways in which human activities generate the gases that are primarily responsible for global warming, and also argue that global warming is mainly due to the effect of human activities. One of the major anthropogenic causes of global warming is the use of fossil fuels in industries and transport (Nardo , Don; Johnson, Roberta; Young, Terrence Jr. E, 2008). Fossil fuels, when burned, produce carbon IV oxide. Carbon IV oxide is a dense gas, and when emitted, it blankets the earth, helping to retain the heat on the surface of the earth. This, over time, causes an increase in the temperatures on the surface of the earth, leading to global warming. There has been widespread controversy over whether human industrial activity fosters global warming. Some skeptics have come out to proclaim that global warming and climate change are largely natural events that do not need human input so as to manifest themselves (Alexander, Ralph B, 2009). They argue that even in the absence of human activities, global warming would still be a reality. The skeptics have gone so far as to claim that the statistics provided by scientists are all part of a hoax. However, there is sufficient scientific evidence to pin down these skeptics as to the truth of whether or not anthropogenic activities contribute to global warming. Another cause of global warming is deforestation. The rate at which forest trees continue to be felled contributes significantly to global warming. Trees help eliminate carbon IV oxide from the atmosphere. When forests are disturbed, the practice interferes with this natural source of carbon IV oxide management. Therefore, carbon IV oxide levels continue to rise unchecked. This

Introduction to Cultural Anthropology - Book Review Literature

Introduction to Cultural Anthropology - Book - Literature review Example Yet Barley doesn’t think that the anthropologists who are so respected for having lived among exotic cultures contribute very much to the body of knowledge of anthropological study. Barley comes off as being against the idea of fieldwork from the start, and paints it as something that is unduly revered and not tremendously useful for modern anthropological study. He then explains that despite these misgivings, he did what was expected of him and went into the field to do his own direct observation of a little known culture. He gives a harrowing and often hilarious account of his trials and tribulations, first of his attempts to get his course of study approved, then his attempts to get into Cameroon and deal with the odd practices of African bureaucracy, and then of his time living with the Dowayo people. This book gives the anthropological account of the Dowayo people that Barley was expected to collect during his stay with them in Cameroon, but it also serves as a cautionary tale about giving undue reverence to anthropological fieldwork. Most importantly, it gives a realistic and funny look at what anthropologists who are just starting out in the field can expect, or rather a warning about all the things that they can never expect. It is especially of interest to anthropology students and working anthropologists, but it is also a great read for practically anyone, whether they are people who are interested in anthropology, people who want to learn about tribal cultures from around the world, or just people who enjoy a good comedy. The best part of The Innocent Anthropologist is the sharp and witty writing style. It serves as both a contribution to academic knowledge and as a biting satire of certain academic practices at the same time. Barley draws the readers in and brings us along for the ride. Through his sharp eyes we see the hilarious absurdities and strange ironies he encounters in his quest to become a ‘real’ anthropologist. The boo k also paints a fascinating picture of the Dowayo people. Through Barley’s eyes we get to take a look at a unique culture, with very different ideas about the most basic parts of language and life. It practically boggles the mind to see how differently the Dowayo think about things our culture takes for granted, like hypothetical questions. It serves to teach us that our way of thinking is not the only way of thinking, and that even ideas that we think are so simple as to be a given are not necessarily universal. The only weaknesses I could see in the book were that Barley didn’t only joke about not liking fieldwork; he genuinely seemed to detest it, and always seemed somewhat contemptuous of the people he lived with and observed for so long. While the picture he painted of the Dowayo was fascinating, the author’s tone always hinted at condescension and superiority. I was expecting a revelation at some point that he saw redeeming qualities in the people, but tha t moment never really came to any satisfactory degree. As a reader I was more interested in the Dowayo people than the writer ever seemed to be. He tells of times when hearing their explanations for things like illnesses â€Å"annoyed [him] beyond all measure† (Barley 1980:114). The author does his best to paint a picture of a love/hate relationship, and wants to do his best to get into the work the way that he is supposed to, but it is clear that

Question about the novel The outsider Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Question about the novel The outsider - Essay Example As the storyline continues to unfold, we see many adolescents as irrational. They act without thinking just as is the case with Ponyboy when he finds the church on fire. He jumps out of the car, runs and enters into the burning church intending to rescue the children (Hinton 6). He does this without thinking about his safety and because he has no skills on firefighting, and also because he does not have the right outfit for fire rescue. Pony agrees with this assessment; that he is not reasonable when he says that he sometimes does not think. Adolescence is a phase in life when a teenager considers himself/ herself as an adult and expects to be treated as one. The reality is, they are still teenagers and are under control and guidance to others with parents, and teachers. Therefore when their elders advise them on how to live, the teens start to feel like the elders are dictating them on how to live their lives. The loss of control makes teens feel life is not fair. For instance, Ponyboy knows that he is not safe walking on the streets of his neighborhood, but he still does it. Adolescents also have another behavior of bullying others as well as defending themselves, for example in the outsider, as Ponyboy comes from strolling he is attacked by a gang. Also, Pony is thinking of how he can defend himself and is looking around for a pop bottle or stick or something anything to defend himself. It is at this point that we hear Pony remembering how Steve Randle, had once held off four guys with a busted pop bottle. Such, and other examples in the book go a long way in showing us that adolescents have a bullying habit and are also

Work and Society People Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Work and Society People - Assignment Example It is evidently clear from the discussion that the participation of women in paid market work is increasing day by day. This situation is also experiencing various issues and challenges. These challenges are resulting in the reformation of different policies such as taxation, benefits and health policies. Though the number of women professionals is increasing in the job market, the undeniable responsibilities towards childcare and household works are restricting their contribution towards organizations and career growth. A huge number of women with these kinds of responsibilities are scaling down their employment potency by choosing less challenging works and part-time jobs. The involvement of men in domestic works is increasing day by day. Now a day’s men are providing their share of contribution in the domestic works and they are also spending adequate time with their children than before. There are several reasons behind these role changes such as economic pressure, increas ed time pressure on working women and attitude changes in terms of gender role. On the other hand, different researches conducted in the UK and US have demonstrated that women are still handling most of the household responsibilities in comparison to men. More involvement of the male partner in domestic works indicates improvement in the job performance of women. It also ensures the increase in women’s capability to accept more job responsibility. Further discussion of the study has also demonstrated the changing scenario of labor distribution between men and women. Gender division in terms of paid market work and domestic labor is a very common site in the developing countries. A statistical report has shown that women are more inclined towards the less paid part-time job while men are focused towards higher paid full-time jobs. The governmental data has represented that near about 27% of part-time workers in the UK are female employees.

EC Defense Essay Example for Free

EC Defense Essay Introduction Public security of Member States has long been on the agenda of the EC, which has culminated in the establishment of a European Defence Market to â€Å"support the Council and the Member States in their effort to improve the EUs defence capabilities in the area of crisis management and to further The European Security and Defence Policy.†[1] The EU also established a programme for countering illegal trafficking of arms.[2] However, national safety and defence has to do with nationalism and state sovereignty. It is doubtful whether a state can feel itself to be independent without being in control of its own defence. It has often been the case that regulations made by the European Community (EC or the Community) regarding trade and citizens’ movement within the territory have on occasion led to the discomfort of several Member States. The Treaty of Maastricht states that one of the major tasks of this supranational organisation is to establish a â€Å"common market† which promotes â€Å"convergence of economic performance†[3]. The Treaty objectives are largely realised through trade, and public procurement Directives, competition and Merger Regulations also exist to maintain the uniformity of trade on the European Common Market. Yet it might not be immediately obvious why documents governing trade, competition, and mergers would become a mechanism that regulates a country’s ability to defend itself. [4]   However, this has been an object of concern to EC Member States and has sparked a proliferation of legal literature discussing the extent to which this is (or has been) possible. An important part of national security and defence is to obtain up-to-date arms and other equipment necessary for the running of the military and constabulary forces as well as other departments responsible for State security. As no country produces all the products it needs for its defence, the balance must be acquired through trade with other countries. The purpose of this essay is therefore to explore the effect of the EU trade regulation of competition and mergers on the defence industries of Member States. It will assess these laws’ control over the means through which Member States are able to acquire the equipment necessary for national defence. Mergers, Trust, Subsidies, and Procurement Directives One of the duties of the European Commission is to stand as guardian of the Treaty that established the EC. Free trade on the common market is one of the major provisions of that Treaty, and competition within the EU is threatened in the presence of cartels or whenever mergers occur. These types of activities are subject to a substantive Competition Test, which gives the Commission the right to intervene wherever a merger occurs that is hostile to healthy competition as it regards trade on the European Common Market. All scenarios that follow mergers and that fail the test (including the existence of oligopolies) are subject to the scrutiny and handling of the European Commission and to possible escalation to the level of the European Court of Justice (ECJ).[5] Mergers have much to do with competition. When companies merge or have an understanding or trust they behave more and more like monopolies, oligopolies or cartels. Government subsidies and laws that regulate the purchases of nationals from a particular company often have the effect of behave like mergers and trusts. However, the government might, for defence purposes, see the need to make laws governing the nation’s spending in a certain market. It might also see the need to exclude other nationals or business from bidding on contracts if such bidding is deemed a threat to the nation’s security. Legislation by the Commission of the European Union disallows this kind of law-making on the part of the Member States. The Merger Regulation 4064/89 applies to these situations, and therefore might exercise a significant amount of control over defence. Public procurement is the process by which government bodies acquire equipment and services.[6] This represents about 14% of EU Member States gross domestic product.[7] Rules regarding this come from the EU in the form of Directives which are subsequently adopted by Member States. Public sector contracts, services and supplies are published across the EU, facilitating free trade in these areas as well. Breaches of these rules can be pointed out by the European Commission, and can incur legal action before the European Court of Justice.[8] The laws of the EC make it clear that competition should in no way be hindered, in the pursuit of the objective of good value for money[9]. Mergers and government subsidies are cases in which this might happen. However, there is evidence that where governments sanction mergers of companies that deal with military equipment, the effects of Merger Regulation 4064/89 might be escaped. The creation of Eurocopter and its encouragement by the French and German governments demonstrate this. Although the Commission granted that the merger was governed by the Regulation, it conceded that such a venture was â€Å"compatible with the Single European Market.†[10]   In addition, Article 21 and Court opinions formed as a result of the Aà ©ropatiale-Alenia-de Haviland case allow for Member States to take measures necessary to protect interests considered legitimate, and national security is admitted as part of that group. Therefore, though the EU Commission often does have a significant amount of control over defence industries, certain privileges are granted to the Member States for matters of national security. With soft defence materials the rules change slightly. In such cases, prohibitions of mergers by the Commission are final. If, however, the Commission chooses to allow such a merger, the Member State is at liberty to prohibit it. It has been found that exemption from the Merger Regulation all hard defence materials might be prudent, as mergers would help with competition against non-European countries such as the United States. As it stands, however, the Commission enjoys full control over soft defence (or dual purpose) goods, and tempered control over hard defence materials. With regard to the Directives governing public procurement of equipment and services, the European Commission demonstrates another way in which it can have an impact on Member States’ defence industry. One case finds the Commission applying to the European Court of Justice for a declaration that Belgium had failed to fulfil its directive obligations (with regard to 92/50/EEC), being in breach of the provisions Articles 11(3) and 15(2). Belgium had â€Å"issued a restricted invitation to tender† for the surveillance of its coastal regions by means of aerial photography, and did this without expressly notifying the European Communities via the Official Journal.[11] It is of note that this kind of coastal surveillance can have immense implications for national defence. However, the Commission faulted the Member State for neglecting to perform the necessary publishing measures before executing actions toward procurement of the contracts. The ECJ found it necessary to determine whether the action of the Belgian government was even governed by the Directive in question, considering that much of the contract regarded aerial photography and the Directive mainly deals with architectural, engineering, and landscaping services. The Court’s opinion was that it saw â€Å"no reason to call into question the Belgian Governments assessment that aerial photography accounts for the predominant value of the contract. Accordingly, the contract falls under Annex I B, with the result that the tendering procedure under Community law, under Titles III to VI of Directive 92/50, does not have to be followed.†[12] Here the Member state was granted autonomy in that sphere of defence. However, had the contracts involved a slightly different type of service, the Commission might have been awarded the case. Trade Laws and Defence Certain of the EC Articles, namely 30 (ex 36), 39(3) (ex 48), 58(1) (b) (ex 73d), (81)(1), 226, 296 (ex 223), and 297 (ex 224) deal explicitly with issues of trade and competition that concur with those of national security, and offer ways in which the Member States can attend to their national interest where they might conflict with the terms of the Treaty. However, some of the articles are equivocally worded such that they allow for sometimes opposing interpretations. These articles lead to uncertainty with regard to the provisions of Treaty as well as to how the European Court of Justice would rule in certain situations. Therefore, it is unclear exactly how Member-State sovereignty is affected by the Treaty, since certain controversies have arisen because to some extent the Treaty has touched the industries that deal in the trade of materials necessary for national defence. Articles 28 and 29 of the EC Treaty agreement ban restrictions on the quantities of goods that can be imported or exported by the Member States. However, article 30 states that such restriction â€Å"shall not preclude prohibitions or restrictions on imports, exports, or goods in transit justified on grounds of [†¦] public security.† This grants Member States the ability to derogate from the regular stipulations of the treaty should the goods in question pose a threat to public security. Clearly in this case, although the treaty is apt to regulate areas of the defence industry, the articles make way for the countries to be free from its influence in that regard. In fact, in June of 2003, the European Union adopted a Common Position requiring that Member States enact â€Å"ad hoc† legislation to regulate the activities of arms brokers.[13] However, the use of the word â€Å"require† indicates that the power to act in that way was conferred upon the state by an organisation in whose possession the power had rested before. It also implies that to some degree power still rests in the hands of that body. A closer look at EC Article 30 supports this idea. It reads: â€Å"Such prohibitions or restrictions shall not, however, constitute a means of arbitrary discrimination or a disguised restriction on trade between Member States.† This implies that any Member State that wishes to enact laws affecting the defence industry for the purpose of protecting their interests must do so for specific and justifiable reasons. Indeed, the use of the term ad hoc in the 2003 EU position on arms brokering indicates that the control that Member States are granted over their defence market laws is not a general one, but one that materialises only under extenuating circumstances. The Irish case involving Campus Oil is an interesting example. The Irish requirement that 35% of all oil and petroleum products be purchased from the national refinery constituted a case of according an unnatural advantage to a supplier on the Common Market. This was done to protect the Irish economy and to scaffold the company, but might be considered a matter of defence since such military equipment as tankers would require fuel from this national refinery in the event of a national emergency. It was therefore crucial for the refinery to stay in business. The Court saw this necessity, and allowed the national requirement to remain in place.[14] What this case demonstrates is that the European Community law regimes on trade, competition, mergers and the like do have the power to regulate the laws that regard the defence industry. Though the EC laws cited do not relate specifically to defence, the surveillance of a coastline or the protection of a State’s leading energy company can have immense implications for national security. These laws were enacted to combat that effect, and the EC law was able to call that Member State law into question. It, however, did ultimately grant leave to the Member States because of the delicate nature of the situation. Competition and Defence The EC Treaty article that concerns the distortion of competition exists to prevent scenarios in which monopolies could arise in the marketing of certain military goods and/or to certain areas. Articles 85 and 86 regulate situations to ensure that a firm or other venture which has a comparative advantage in the market does not in any way use that advantage to disrupt competition. As far as the Articles allow derogation from this rule, it is not clear whether private companies are able to claim that the provisions of the Articles apply to their situations. However, for derogation to be possible, such benefits as economic progress for both companies and consumers must be proven, and neither indispensable restrictions nor the elimination of competition for the products involved should result from the mergers. One aspect of the GEC-Siemens v. Plessey case concerned whether a company licensed to distribute arms has a right to award sub-licences. The Commission’s opinion on the subject was that only Member States are allowed to invoke article 296b[15]. Therefore, as far as private undertakings concerning military products are involved in the market, competition and free trade are to be assumed to govern military defence equipment.[16] With regard to resolving whether dual-use goods fall under the jurisdiction of the Treaty, there exists a list drawn up by the European Community in 1958.[17] Yet though it has not been officially published, it is now in the public domain. On it is contained traditional types of military equipment, such as tankers and other types of typically defence-oriented products. If this list were considered as containing all the items that are to be excluded from the jurisdiction of the Commission, then it would be clearer how far the EU laws govern the defence industries of Member States. Because goods that can be used both civilly and militarily are not present on the list, it would become clear that dual-use goods should fall solely under the jurisdiction of the Treaty. Though the list has been considered outdated by many, upon close consideration it can be found that many of the newer military equipment can be covered by the broad terms used in the list[18]. If, therefore, the list is to be considered exhaustive, it leads to the conclusion that dual-use goods are not covered by Article 296 and are therefore under the jurisdiction of the Commission. In such cases where dual-use goods are being traded for military purposes, then, the Commission would have some amount of control over the defence industry of the Member State in question. Recently the European Commission has sent forth a Communication[19] on the issue of the interrelatedness of civil, market and defence policies. The purpose of the Communication document is to promote and enhance more efficient spending on defence, to maintain competition in the defence industry, as well as to uphold fairness and ethics in the trade of defence materials. Long has the issue of European defence hung in limbo because of the problematic nature of defence collaboration among Member States. Such situations usually have resulted in encroachment upon the sovereignty of each state. The aims of the Communication are set to be effected through the monitoring of industries related to defence. This activity by the Commission is supported by EC Treaty Art. 296. Through this measure, the EC proposes to regulate licensing, delivery, certification, and other things which have caused arms-trade problems at the borders within the European Community. Beyond this, the EC recognises the importance of competition to the creation of defence sector that does not harm the common market—a defence market that is as similar as possible to the market that exists for non-military goods.   Article 296 has been thought of as a prime obstacle to the European defence market integration, though the European Parliament believes that this article does allow for integration if the Member States cooperate.[20] This article gives states the right to take â€Å"such measures as it considers necessary† to protect its own security interests as far as these concern the procurement of arms and other military equipment. It further stipulates that any action implemented ought not to impair the functioning of the market as far as it concerns goods that are not explicitly military related. It is here that much confusion enters concerning the extent to which the European Community laws govern the defence industry, as demonstrated in the cases of Werner and Leifer.[21] Arrowsmith notes that the importance of the Treaty is largely manifest in actions that lie â€Å"below the thresholds† of the Member state legislation.[22] These states are, according to EC 296, clearly in charge of the trade of expressly military commodities. However, which body shall be in charge of regulating those goods that may be used for both civil and military purposes (dual-use goods) remains in question. Koutrakos reminds us that the Common Commercial Policy established in EC 113 grants exclusive competency to the Community itself. Without this competency in the hands of the EC, the Member States might be inclined to act in a way contrary to the intentions of the Community and create mistrust among the members.[23] In cases where the goods in question are military in nature and a Member State wishes to derogate from the terms of the Treaty, the effects of doing so are subject to a proportionality test. This test ascertains that â€Å"no other measure, less restrictive from the point of view of the free movement of goods, capable of achieving the same objective† could have been performed in its place. The measure must also achieve a maximum amount of good for the Member State with the most minimal of adverse effects on the Community as a whole.[24] Moreover, the provisions of Article 296 do not automatically apply to any country as it regards military security. This article has to be invoked by any party that perceives the necessity to curtail or otherwise regulate the trade of defence products. In that case, the state must also be prepared to offer reasons why such action is necessary, as the burden of proof lies on that state. The EC Court then has the right to intensely scrutinise the actions and motives of the Member state that chooses to derogate from the provision of the Treaty via Article 296. It also has the power to demand that it change its policy back to that of the EC if the motives prove unethical or the reasons inadequate. One such case is the Commission vs. Spain[25], in which the Spanish government had enacted laws exempting from the value-added tax (VAT) exports and transfers of military goods within the Community and to third countries. The argument by the Spanish government was that the measure was necessary for the health of the defence industry, and that such a measure was protected under the provisions of EC 296(1)(b). The Community itself invoked EC 226, which gives the Commission the right to give an opinion on any matter in which it considers that the state has not complied with the terms of the Treaty.[26] The Court ruled that any interpretation of Article 296 should be a limited one. So that where the wording of the article gives the apparent idea that all measures considered necessary by the Member States are viable, the Court emphasises that the states must be able to prove the necessity of those actions in order for them to go unchecked. In this way, Spain was forced to change its policy, and the EC law demonstrated a significant amount of control over the defence industry of Member States. Yet the Spanish derogation was a frivolous attempt, and represented what might be seen as a much lower level of scrutiny by the Court than other cases might. Other states with much more dire cases could conceivably be granted much more autonomy with regard to the regulation of their own portion of the defence market.   The Member States have usually interpreted this article (EC 296) to mean that the exemption of defence material from the terms of the Treaty occurred automatically. On the other hand, the Community has held that any derogation by Member States must be according to strict rules testable by the aforementioned proportionality test. This would therefore mean that it is not only in the case of Spain’s obviously opportunistic case, but in all cases that â€Å"the Treaty would in general apply to hard defence material and [†¦] the Community has jurisdiction over these products unless a Member State can prove the existence of a situation justifying derogation from the regime.†[27] Other complications stem from the second part of Article EC 296(1)(b). This reads, â€Å"Such measures shall not adversely affect the conditions of competition in the common market regarding products which are not intended for specifically military purposes.† In the case between the Republic of Portugal and the Commission,[28] it was held by the Portuguese government that during the privatisation of the company Cimpor-Cimentos, no buyer would be able to acquire rights amounting to more than 10% of the shares. This privilege was reserved only for the Portuguese government. The Commissioners brought this government to the Court because its actions had in their view breached the EC laws against interference with competition. The Commission did acknowledge, however, that had the Portuguese law been concerned with matters of national security, an exception would have been made for the case. However, even in a Portuguese appeal to the Court, the opinion given by Advocate General Tizzano was that the appeal be rejected on the grounds that the action of that government served to impede competition on the European market. Therefore, though this case demonstrates that the ECJ clearly has the authority to force the compliance of Member States on questions of competition, it does sometimes refrain from this if/when defence equipment is involved. The Italian case C-423/98, Alfredo Albore [2000] ECR I-5965 concerned the right of any EU citizen to purchase land in any Member State. The Italian government made it illegal for the German citizen to purchase land declared â€Å"of military importance† to the country. Though this land, not being an expressly military commodity, does for that reason fall under the jurisdiction of the Treaty, the Court decided to allow the Italians derogation through the invocation of Article 296 and the declaration of the land a matter of national defence. Conclusion Some goods that are used by civilians and that can also be used for military purposes are regulated by the Commission. In other situations where countries accord merger rights or subsidies to certain business for military purposes, the Commission has a right to intervene and in those situations can be seen as regulating the country’s defence industry. Goods and services that are considered of military importance to a country may not always be explicitly military or differentiable from goods/services designated for civilian use. In those cases where the Commission has jurisdiction, the right is theirs to allow or prohibit the actions of a Member State government. The Treaties, Procurement Directives, and Merger Regulations of the European Community function in such a way as to promote a healthy market economy in which no producer or country has an unfair advantage with regard to the manufacture or sale of its product. The nature of the defence industry dictates that its functions often come under the regulations of the European Community, and this often indicates the possibility of national security problems for Member States. Because of this, several of the articles in these treaties/regulations allow for derogation from their provisions. Yet, in many cases this allowance has proven equivocal to the point where the European Court of Justice has had to become involved. The European Commission works hard to devise a method of regulation that accounts for the security of the individual states while maintaining the freedom of the Common Market; but as yet, where competition and merger control concerns public procurement and trade of dual-use goods, the EC still exercises, to a significant extent, control over the defence industry of its Member States. References Anders, Holger. (2004). â€Å"Controlling arms brokering: next steps for EU Member States.†   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   GRIP p6. Arrowsmith, Sue. (1995). The application of the EC Treaty rules to public and utilities    procurement. Public Procurement Law Review. 6.255-280. Arrowsmith, Sue. (2002). The EC procurement directives, national procurement policies,   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   and better governance: the case for a new approach.† 27(1), 3-24. â€Å"Competition: Mergers (Overview).† Europa. Accessed 2 March, 2006.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   http://europa.eu.int/comm/competition/publications/special/3_merger.pdf   Ã¢â‚¬Å"Commission of the European Communities v Kingdom of Belgium (C-252/01).†   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Official Journal of the European Union. (2003). C 289/3.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   http://europa.eu.int/eur-  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   lex/pri/en/oj/dat/2003/c_289/c_28920031129en00030003.pdf â€Å"Consolidated version of the Treaty establishing the European Community.† (2002).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Official Journal of the European Communities. C 325/33. Eikenberg, Katharina. (2000) â€Å"Article 290 (ex. 223) and external trade in strategic   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   goods.† European Law Review. 25(2), 117-138. Georgopoulos, Aris. (2005). â€Å"Defence procurement and EU law.† European Law Review.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   30(4), 559-572. Georgopoulos, Aris. (2003). â€Å"Industrial and market issues in European defence: the   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Commission Communication of 2003 on harmonisation and liberalisation of   Ã‚  Ã‚   defence markets.† Public Procurement Law Review. 4.NA82-89. â€Å"Fourth Annual Report on the implementation of the EU Joint Action of 12  July 2002 on   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   the European Unions contribution to combating the   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   destabilising accumulation   Ã‚  Ã‚   and spread of small arms and light weapons (2002/589/CFSP).† (2005). Official   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Journal of the European Communities. C 109, vol. 48.P. 0001 – 0025.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   http://europa.eu.int/eur-lex/lex/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   52005XG0504(01):EN:HTML Koutrakos, Panos. (1998). â€Å"Exports of dual-use goods under the law of the European   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Union.† European Law Review. 23(3) 235-251 O’Keeffe, D. Branton, J. (2006). â€Å"State Aid and Public Procurement: A Practical   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Guide.† Hammonds. http://www.hammonds.com/FileServer.aspx?oID=21843 â€Å"Portuguese Republic v Commission of the European Communities (C-42/01).† CVRIA. (2004). http://curia.eu.int/jurisp/cgi-bin/form.pl?lang=en Saggio, Antonio. (1999). â€Å"Association Église de Scientologie de Paris and Scientology International Reserves Trust versus the Republic of France.† Opinion of Advocate   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   General Saggio. CVRIA. http://curia.eu.int/jurisp/cgi-  Ã‚   bin/form.pl?lang=enSubmit=Submitalldocs=alldocsdocj=docjdocop=doco  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   pdocor=docordocjo=docjonumaff=datefs=datefe=nomusuel=domain  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   e=mots=military+arms+goodsresmax=100 Trybus, Martin. (2002). â€Å"The EC Treaty as an instrument of European defence   Ã‚   integration: judicial scrutiny   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   of defence and security exceptions.† Common   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Market Law Review. 39. 1347-1372. Trybus, Martin. (2005). â€Å"A fine balance: free movement and public security in the EC   Ã‚   Treaty.† European Union Law and Defence Integration. Hart: Oxford. Trybus, Martin. (0000). â€Å"European defence procurement: toward a comprehensive   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   approach.† European Public Law. Vol. 4(1). 111-133. Trybus, Martin. (2004). â€Å"The limits of European Community competence for defence.† European Foreign Affairs Review. 9, 189-217. Trybus, Martin. (2000). â€Å"On the application of the EC Treaty to armaments.† European Law Review. 25(6), 663-668. Trybus, Martin. (2002). â€Å"Procurement for the armed forces: balancing security and the    internal market.† European Law Review. 27(6), 692-713. Trybus, Martin. (2000). â€Å"The recent judgement in Commission vs. Spain and the   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   procurement of hard defence material.† Public Procurement Law Review. 4. NA   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   99-103. [1]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Georgopoulos, Aris. (2005). â€Å"Defence procurement and EU law.† European Law Review. 30(4), 559-572. [2]  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Fourth Annual Report on the implementation of the EU Joint Action of 12  July 2002. [3]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Article 2. â€Å"Consolidated version of the Treaty establishing the European Community.† (2002). Official Journal of the European Communities. C. 325/33. [4]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Trybus, Martin. (2004). â€Å"The limits of European Community competence for defence.† European Foreign Affairs Review. 9, 189-217. [5]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   â€Å"Competition: Mergers (Overview).† Europa. http://europa.eu.int/comm/competition/publications/special/3_merger.pdf [6]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Arrowsmith, Sue. (2002). The EC procurement directives, national procurement policies, and better governance: the case for a new approach.† 27(1), 3-24. [7]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Trybus, Martin. (2002). â€Å"Procurement for the armed forces: balancing security and the internal market.† European Law Review. 27(6), 692-713. [8]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   O’Keeffe, D. Branton, J. (2006). â€Å"State Aid and Public Procurement: A Practical Guide.† Hammonds. http://www.hammonds.com/FileServer.aspx?oID=21843 [9]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Arrowsmith, Sue. (2002). The EC procurement directives, national procurement policies, and better governance: the case for a new approach.† 27(1), 3-24. [10]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Trybus, Martin. (0000). â€Å"European defence procurement: toward a comprehensive approach.† European Public Law. Vol. 4(1). 111-133. [11]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   â€Å"Commission of the European Communities v Kingdom of Belgium (C-252/01).† Official Journal of the European Union. (2003). C 289/3. [12]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Ibid. [13]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Anders, Holger. (2004). â€Å"Controlling arms brokering: next steps for EU member states.† GRIP p6. [14]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Trybus, Martin. (2005). â€Å"A fine balance: free movement and public security in the EC Treaty.† European Union Law and Defence Integration. Hart: Oxford. [15]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   â€Å"Any Member State may take such measures as it considers necessary for the protection of the essential interests of its security which are connected with the production of or trade in arms, munitions and war material; such measures shall not adversely affect the conditions of competition in the common market regarding products which are not intended for specifically military purposes.† . â€Å"Consolidated version of the Treaty establishing the European Community.† (2002). Official Journal of the European Communities. C. 325/33. [16]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Trybus, Martin. (0000). â€Å"European defence procurement: toward a comprehensive approach.† European Public Law. Vol. 4(1). 111-133. [17]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Ibid. [18]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Trybus, Martin. (2005). European Union Law and Defence Integration. Hart: Oxford. [19]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Georgopoulos, Aris. (2003). â€Å"Industrial and market issues in European defence: the Commission Communication of 2003 on harmonisation and liberalisation of defence markets.† Public Procurement Law Review. 4.NA82-89. [20]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Ibid. [21]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Eikenberg, Katharina. (2000) â€Å"Article 290 (ex. 223) and external trade in strategic goods.† European Law Review. 25(2), 117-138. [22]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Arrowsmith, Sue. (1995). The application of the EC Treaty rules to public and utilities procurement. Public Procurement Law Review. 6.255-280. [23]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Supra n.2 at 1364. Qtd. in Koutrakos, Panos. (1998). â€Å"Exports of dual-use goods under the law of the European Union.† European Law Review. 23(3) 235-251 [24]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Trybus, Martin. (2002). â€Å"The EC Treaty as an instrument of European defence integration: judicial scrutiny of defence and security exceptions.† Common Market Law Review. 39. 1347-1372. [25]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Trybus, Martin. â€Å"The recent judgement in Commission vs. Spain and the procurement of hard defence material.† 4. NA 99-103. [26]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   â€Å"Consolidated version of the Treaty establishing the European Community.† (2002). Official Journal of the European Communities. C. 325/33. [27]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Trybus, Martin. â€Å"The recent judgement in Commission vs. Spain and the procurement of hard defence material.† 4. NA 99-103. [28]   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   â€Å"Portuguese Republic v Commission of the European Communities (C-42/01).† Cvria. (2004).

Land Reform and Property Rights in Zimbabwe

Land Reform and Property Rights in Zimbabwe Introduction The purported discrimination against minority groups in terms of land entitlements and other rights is not a new concept in Africa, as well as other countries around the world. With the legacy of apartheid in South Africa still rife in various parts of the African continent, the rights of the minority population have never been more prominent in the media and the like. Zimbabwe has experienced a similar plight during recent times, with President Mugabe implementing radical land reform measures so as to â€Å"equalise† the land ownership demographic in Zimbabwe. Take for example the Abuja Agreement on Zimbabwe Land Reform, dated 6 September 2001 which states (in part): Zimbabwe has agreed†¦to end all illegal occupations of white-owned farmland and return the country to the rule of law, in return for financial assistance. The Agreement goes on to state that, as a result of the historical injustices, the Zimbabwe land situation endangers the stability of both southern Africa, and the whole continent, and that is why a land reform program in Zimbabwe must adhere to human rights, the rule of law, transparency and democratic principles.). The Zimbabwe delegation promised (1) that no more farms will be occupied; (2) to remove farms that do not meet set criteria from the lists and move squatters on those farms to lands acquired legally; (3) to speed up talks with the U.N. Development Programme; (4) to reinstate the rule of law; and (5) to invite the delegation to visit Zimbabwe and see the current situation. The United Kingdom also promised to contribute significantly to fund the land reform program, and encouraged other international organizations t o do the same.[1] It is the purpose of this brief to analyse the various methods with Zimbabwe have sought to implement, both pre- and post-independence, in order to ensure that land is not only distributed fairly among the population, but also in such a way that ensures the overall economic sustainability of Zimbabwean industry. Notwithstanding this, this paper will also explore the current precarious economic position of Zimbabwe as well as the somewhat selfish and unstable political administration, in order to determine whether this has any impact on the land reform policy and the Zimbabwean society at large. Pre independence Land Reform By 1898, Britain required the British South Africa Company (BSA) to create communal areas for the Africans. The Communal Areas were developed and despite the limitations the Communal Areas created there was still adequate land. The BSA realised that agriculture in Rhodesia could be highly profitable and embarked on a route of divesting Africans of lands and giving it to white colonists.[2] In 1925 the Morris-Carter Commission appointed to ensure white land domination determined that the best way to put the economy on a sound footing was landholding patterns.[3] The Land Appointment Act of 1930 broke land up along racial lines. Race groups were not allowed to own land in each other’s designated areas. In terms of this Act, 50.8% of land was reserved for white settlers and the African majority was allocated 30% of the land. The remaining 20% of the land was owned by commercial companies or the colonial government or was reserved as conservation areas.[4] The land reserved for the white settlers was situated in the arable central highlands and the land reserved for the Africans along the plateau sloping down into the Zambezi Valley and mountainous escarpment. This land was designated as African Reserve Areas. The colonial government adopted the following legislation that relegated Africans to infertile reserves known as communal lands: The 1913 Natives Land Act The Land Apportionment Act of 1930 The Native Land Husbandry Act of 1951 The Land Tenure Act of 1969 The result of these policies led to a highly skewed land ownership. One percent of the white farmers owned more than half of the available agricultural land and over seventy percent of all fertile lands. At the time of independence, the two racial groups each owned about 40% of the land in Zimbabwe. The population density was however vastly different with far greater number of people living on African land. The population density for white farm land was 1 per square mile and that of African farm land 46 per square mile. The white settlers further had the pick of the land and were also supported by massive state intervention in the development of a farming economy. The state provided extensive communication and marketing infrastructure in commercial farming areas, and made subsidies and loans available to white farmers. The inequality of land allocation and the support to white agriculture were continuous areas of conflict and contention. The first rebellion took place in 1896 but the African people were defeated by the superior military might of the colonial forces. The second rebellion (â€Å"Chimurenga†) began in the 1960s and was led by the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and the now defunct Zimbabwe African Peoples Union (ZAPU). Both ZANU and ZAPU were committed to radical land reform on coming to power. The dispossession of Africans was still a living memory for many of the elders in Zimbabwe who had lived through the first Chimurenga. Both ZANU and ZAPU elicited a lot of support from the peasants. Most of the supporters lived in rural areas and the war was largely fought in rural areas. It was guerrilla fighters and peasants who fought against a modern army of the white regime. The Lancaster House agreement brought about a ceasefire and new elections. The colony reverted back under British rule. It further provided for a new constitution that implemented majority rule and at the same time protected the rights of the white minority. The parties agreed that the country will be named Zimbabwe. The subsequent elections in 1980 saw Robert Mugabe win and form the first government, post colonialism. Because the land issue was the main driving force for Prime Minister Mugabe’s campaign, he promised that his government would investigate for ways to reverse past discriminatory policies in land distribution, education, employment, and wages.[5] The fundamental aim of Zimbabwe’s land reform program today is to redress the inequalities within the existing tenure system that denies the African majority access to fertile lands.[6] Background to conflict Zimbabwe has approximately 12 million people and the land area is approximately 386669 square kilometres. The land tenure system in place today is the remains of the colonial system. The colonial system created the inequalities and that is what the current Zimbabwean government is trying to overcome with land reforms. The civil war lasted until the late 1970’s when a settlement was negotiated that led to the Lancaster House Agreement and independence for Zimbabwe. At that time the inequalities were very visible with the population density where the African people lived being three times those in the commercial farming area. The land was still divided along racial lines with about 6000 white farmers owning 42% of the country. The land reform experience in Kenya played an influential role in the search for a workable solution for the land crisis in Zimbabwe. The Kenyan problem was similar to that of Zimbabwe, they also had a guerrilla warfare and dispossessed peoples which fuelled the conflict. The British tried to defuse the crisis by buying out white farmers. The amount the British Government made available to buy white farms in Kenya was à ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ¡500 million. The parties hoped that a similar solution would be available for Zimbabwe and during secret negotiations in the mid seventies the negotiating parties promoted an Anglo- American Development Fund for Zimbabwe. This idea received broad support and was even backed by the then ZANU/ZAPU Patriotic Front (ZANU/ZAPU PF). The British Government agreed to contribute $75 million and there were hints from the United States that it would contribute an extra $200 million. The money was going to be used to buy out the white owned farms. The Lancaster House negotiations started in 1979 with Ian Smith, Abel Muzorewa and the ZANU/ZAPU PF all took part in the negotiations. By the time the negotiations took place, Britain had a new government. During the Lancaster negotiations the so called Development Fund was used as bait to get the liberation movements to reach an agreement with the Rhodesian Government with Abel Muzorewa as the prime minister and Ian Smith representing the white minority. The offer of the fund was withdrawn and the British Government offered a compromise. They were very concerned about the white farmers and in exchange for a promise by the liberation organisations that they will not take away the land from the white farmers for a period of 10 years unless it was on the basis of a willing seller and willing buyer and to guarantee landholding the British Government will underwrite half of the costs of resettlement with the Zimbabwean Government required to provide the other half. In 1980 the British Go vernment put up an initial amount of à ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ¡20 million. For the Zimbabwean Government resettlement was the key issue in the transfer of power to an independent Zimbabwean regime. The only way that land could therefore be redistributed was on the basis that white farmers will sell their land willingly. Those who wished to continue farming was free to do so and the government was not allowed to carry out mass expropriation of land from white farmers. Although the Zimbabwean Government retained the right to expropriate land for public resettlement purposes, the compensation it was required to pay had to be paid out in foreign currency. Article Sixteen of Zimbabwes Constitution allowed the Zimbabwean Government to expropriate land that was not being utilised. During the guerrilla ware many farmers abandoned their farms and these were taken by the new Government. The Zimbabwean Government thus was in a position to move forward with redistribution of the land by expropriating land for the public good. Today this is what President Mugabe is saying to justify this controversial land acquisition program. The frontline states in Southern Africa placed tremendous pressure on the liberation organisations to accept the proposed settlement and, in the end, they capitulated and an agreement was reached. The critical capitulation created the breeding ground for future unsatisfied expectations of the war veterans and the landless Africans. The hands of the Zimbabwean Government were tied. They could not carry out their goal of redressing the inequities of the colonialism and the vast majority of the farm land remained in the hands of the few white farmers. Following the war an urgent need for reconstruction existed and measures were required to address the mass displacement of the peasant people in Zimbabwe. Since the ware was mostly fought in the rural areas the peasant agriculture collapsed and because the government could not expropriate white owned land 90 percent of all marketed food in the country was produced by the white farm owners. This fact strengthened the white farmers position both economical and politically. The restrictions imposed through the Lancaster House agreement remained a constant theme in Zimbabwean land reform in the decades following independence.[7] By 1997 a high number of more fertile agricultural lands remained under the control of a few thousand white farmers. It was now 17 years since independence and although the Government changed the constitution in 1990 (after the 10 year period) to make it easier for ti to expropriate land the vast majority of displaced Africans and the war veterans who fought on the land for the land was still landless. The population of a lower class labourer in the so called tribal reserves increased. President Mugabe has on many occasions said that the British Government reneged on the agreement that was reached at the Lancaster House. Yet, Britain that reneged on the Lancaster House agreement to pay compensation to its indigenes in Zimbabwe on their lands to be redistributed, for equity, could brazenly cry foul and deploy its immense media power to demonise Mugabe.[8] Zimbabwe’s Political History Cecil John Rhodes became rich beyond anyone’s wildest dreams through his companies, De Beers Consolidated Mines and Goldfields of South Africa. The first company exploited the diamond fields in the Northern Cape and the second one the goldfields on the Reef. His biggest dream was to establish a continuous strip of British Empire from the Cape to the mouth of the Nile. The terms of incorporation of his mining companies included the right to invest in northern expansion. Rhodes formed the British South Africa Company (BSA) to expand into Africa beyond South Africa without involving the British government. BSA was also looking for gold fields and the first white settlers settled in what is now known as Harare in 1890. Gold was indeed discovered in the Zimbabwe highlands. In 1891 the area is declared a British protectorate and from 1895 the region up to the Zambezi is known as Rhodesia. The gold that was discovered in Zimbabwe was not as concentrated as on the gold reef in South Africa and nearly impossible to extract profitably. The company encouraged white settlement of Zimbabwe for farming purposes as an alternative means of generating an income for it. The direct result of this policy was a greater need to dispossess indigenous peoples of their land and force them into labour on the settler farms. Since the Zimbabwean highlands were not very fertile, the white settler farmers struggled to make a living. The result was that the BSA did not make any profits. Lobengula who was the king of the Ndebele people granted Rhodes the mining rights in part of his territory in return for 1000 rifles, an armed steamship for use on the Zambezi and a monthly rent of  £100. He tried to maintain good relations with the British but many of his tribe were eager to expel the white people. Leander Jameson who was administering the region for Rhodes started waging war against Lobengula and easily defeated Lobengula who had his headquarters at Bulawayo. There was a strong tribal uprising against the British in 1896 but thereafter Rhodess company brought the entire region up to the Zambezi under full control. Because BSA was not making any profits it wanted to get out of the territory and the white settlers were asked to vote on three choices. On 12 September 1923 Rhodesia becomes a self-governing c rown colony. The colony is prosperous and successful with the white population growing to 222,000 thirty years after the referendum. By 1953 Rhodesia has been a self governing colony for thirty years and the African people remained disenfranchised. In 1957 a tiny B roll is established providing for a small number of African voters. Between 1953 and 1963, Rhodesia was part of a colonial federation with two other colonies namely Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia. During the early 1960’s African politicians in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland won more power in the legislative councils and pressure grows on the British government to break up the federation. All three colonies were also demanding independence and the federation is formally dissolved on 31 December 1963. During the years of federation the parties are formed which will subsequently fight the bitter struggle for the future of an independent Rhodesia. Joshua Nkomo, the first African leader in the new era, is elected as president of the local branch of the African National Congress (ANC) in 1957. The ANC is banned and he is the founder member of the National Democratic Party in 1960 which in turn is banned. In 1961he replaces it with ZAPU (the Zimbabwe African Peoples Union). Robert Mugabe and the reverend Ndabaningi Sithole are both members of this ZAPU. In 1963 Mugabe and Sithole split from ZAPU and form the rival ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union). The United Nations supported the African majority in their quest for political suffrage and this support combined with the political pressure from the African majority forces the federal government to introduce a new constitution in 1961 allowing for African representation in parliament. A direct result of this move is the establishment of a new political party by Ian Smith known as the Rhodesian Front. The Rhodesian Front was committed to white supremacist policies and offered an independent Rhodesia governed by the white minority. The new party is the surprise winner in the elections in 1962. The party in power at the time was the more moderate United Federal Party. The new prime minister is Winston Field and the founder of the party, Ian Smith becomes his deputy. Ian Smith replaced Field as prime minister in April 1964and becomes prime minister of Rhodesia. At this stage Rhodesia is once again separate self-governing colony. Ian Smith ordered the arrest of Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe as his first act in office. They remained in detention until 1974. Reverend Sithole joined them in November 1965. Pursuant to Smith’s promise of independence he now tries to persuade the British government to grant independence on the basis of white minority rule. The British government refused the request and Smith decides to take matters into his own hands and on 11 November 1965 he publishes a Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI). Harold Wilson embarked on quiet diplomacy and there followed meetings between Smith and Wilson. Two of the meetings took place on warships (the Fearless and the Tiger) off Gibraltar in 1966 and 1968. Smith is unmoved by the quiet diplomacy of the British government. In 1968 the United Nations imposes economic sanctions against Rhodesia with the approval of the British government. The sanctions do not work immediately and takes a long time to become effective. Guerrilla warfare by ZAPU and ZANU is more effective. They attack Rhodesia from across its borders. Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo also buried the hatchet and in 1976 they formed a united front namely the Patriotic Front (PF). By 1978 Smith realises that the white minority will have to grant concessions to the African majority and he comes to an agreement with a moderate African leader bishop Abel Muzorewa, leader of the UANC (United African National Council). Multi racial elections are held in 1979 but the Patriotic Front is banned from the elections. Bishop Muzorewa emerges as the prime minister. The agreement between Smith and Bishop Muzorewa entails guarantees securing white political and economic interests Smith underestimated the tenacity of the Patriotic Front and it continues its guerrilla campaign against Rhodesia. The fact that the PF was banned meant that there were no real democratic elections and the UANC was shackled to the agreement it reached with Smith in exchange for the right to participate in the elections. In December 1979 all three African leaders attend a meeting in London. UDI is overturned and Rhodesia reverts briefly to the status of a British colony. The parties reached an agreement which is now commonly known as the Lancaster House Agreement. When Kenya became independent the British government promised  £500 million to assist Kenya with its land reforms. The PF negotiated with the British government for a similar concession. At the time of the Lancaster House Agreement the British government agreed to provide funds to the Zimbabwean government to assist it in redistributing the land on the basis of ‘willing seller, willing buyer’. Post-Colonial Land Reforms Following the independence of Zimbabwe in 1980 the government and administration has sought to implement various measures in an attempt to reform the land conflict and address the fact that the most viable and valuable land in Zimbabwe is owned by white farmers, which forms a very significant minority of the Zimbabwean population. As one author puts it: The land division in Zimbabwe now is horribly inequitable. Of the countrys 11.4 million people, the white minority, comprising one percent of the total population, owns over one-third of the farmland. The British fully realized the need for some measure of land reform when they granted Zimbabwe its independence. But, during the first two decades of autonomy, the Zimbabwean government has moved slowly to address the land scarcity issue. The situation is aggravated now because a minuscule white minority owns most all of the large commercial farms that support Zimbabwes agriculture-dependent economy.[9] Furthermore: The unfortunate irony is that the very land the Zimbabwean government wants to expropriate belongs to white farmers whose land provides employment for many Africans, whose products are vital to the countrys financial health, and whose crops feed not only Zimbabwe, but also its neighbors. Nevertheless, Mugabe has marked around 4,900 white-owned, commercial farms (about ninety-five percent of the total number of white-owned farms) for appropriation as part of his â€Å"fast track,† land redistribution plan.[10] The above passages demonstrate the difficulties which post-colonial land reforms face in the Zimbabwean context, particularly in an economic sense. The white-owned farms which are being marked for appropriation under the new â€Å"fast track† land reforms implemented by Mugabe contributes significantly to the economic sustainability of Zimbabwe, given the fact that it provides employment for many of the black Africans, as well as providing an export market for Zimbabwe to other countries. The theory, according to Nading, is that if this land is taken away from the white farmers, it places Zimbabwe in an even more precarious economic position than what it is currently experiencing. Contrary to this argument, is important to note the current economic situation in Zimbabwe is not good. Zimbabwes inflation is astronomical, and the government is quite clearly broke. The government also continues to fund what is described as an â€Å"ill-informed troop deployment in the Democratic Republic of Congo†.[11] In October 2001 the Zimbabwean government sought US$360 million in international aid from the United Nations Development Program.[12] These factors tend to demonstrate that Zimbabwean government has a history of not being particularly responsible with its funds, often directing funds to places where they should ordinarily not be directed. Therefore questions need to be asked in relation to the proposed fast track land reforms and whether they actually make sound economic sense in the Zimbabwean context. While, in a social sense, the proposed scheme is to succeed in theory in equalising land ownership in Zimbabwe and negating the concentration of land ownership among the minority white population, the statistics show that the land owned by white farmers under the previous schemes (and, in turn, in current times) comprises much of the economic integrity of Zimbabwe. However, conversely, Zimbabwean government does not have a history of sound political inte grity and raises questions over this policy in an economic sense. It is a well-known fact that much of Zimbabwean Pres Mugabes support comes from the black Zimbabwean population. In this regard, it is clear that one of the political justifications of the Fast Track reforms is to look after Mugabes own political self interests, and not necessarily to advance the social welfare status of Mugabe supporters. However it would also appear that the Fast Track reforms are veiled in such a way so as to create the impression that Mugabe is looking after the black population of Zimbabwe, however the facts indicate that this is not the case. As one author puts it: Mugabe began his fast track campaign in earnest against the minority, white farm-owners and the opposition group, the MDC, following voters rejection of Mugabes proposal for a new constitution on February 15, 2000. Through this constitutional referendum, Mugabe sought to extend his office of the presidency for another six years.[13] This essentially demonstrates Mugabes selfish political nature, with Mugabe firstly seeking to extend his office of the presidency by another six years and, after this was rejected by the people in a referendum, he then sought to implement a land reform scheme which purported to favour the black majority so he could, in theory, propose his constitutional amendment again and have it passed at a second referendum. It also demonstrates the flaws in the Zimbabwean political system, in the sense that it does not operate to promote true democracy and representation of all Zimbabwean citizens, but rather to preserve the political self-interest of the ruling class and taking the vote of the less educated, but majority, black Zimbabwean voters for granted. It will be difficult to submit to there is an ultimate social welfare aim behind these proposed land reform measures, as the facts indicate that Mugabe has a history of being self-centered and power hungry in his political ideologies and vi ews. Therefore the overall integrity on both an economic and social front, as well as the political motivation of same, is questionable at best. In summary the post-Colonial approach to land reform in Zimbabwe does not present substantial merit in its aims and objectives so as to justify disenfranchising white landowners in favour of the disadvantaged black Zimbabwean population on a number of fronts. As one author puts it: Moreover, these [land reforms] reinforce a state-centric view of rural Zimbabwe that leads to a naive faith in the governments current ability or future possibility to (re)order rural life for the betterment of all. Given the checkered history of state policies toward land in colonial and post-colonial Zimbabwe, such faith inspires more concern than relief.[14] The above passage perhaps summarises this chapter perfectly, in the sense that this policy inspires false hope in the Zimbabwean government to deliver a policy which is beneficial for all Zimbabweans. The facts appear to indicate that this policy only serves to benefit the ruling class, and not the majority black population as it purports to. Are the Land Reform Provisions Justifiable? There is little ability to dispute the fact that the land reform provisions which have been put in place since the independence of Zimbabwe provide for a significantly increased rate of land reform and the measures that were previously put in place. However the real question that this paper must answer is whether or not the most recent provisions are a positive step for the people of Zimbabwe, particularly the black minority population, or whether they serve as more of a burden upon the Zimbabwean population as a whole. This paper has analysed both the pre-and post-independence land reform provisions in the context of the social, political and economic merits thereof. The fact of the matter is that post-independence land reform provisions in Zimbabwe have not appropriately addressed the challenges which Zimbabwe faces in these areas. As one author puts it: Zimbabwe has found the redistribution of land to peasant farmers particularly difficult to achieve: in ten years the government has been able to relocate fewer than 60,000 farmers, in spite of earlier promises to resettle 162,000 by 1985. Following passage of the Land Acquisition Act in March 1992, the countrys commercial farmers face compulsory acquisition of their land by the government, including those farms located in lucrative tobacco growing areas. Although the government will pay compensation, farmers will be unable to appeal established compensation levels.[15] In other words, the currently land reform provisions severely prejudice those who already own land in such a way that grants an unfair advantage to those who do not, such as the majority black population. More importantly, compensation which white farmers will receive as a result of the Zimbabwean governments compulsory land acquisition is inadequate and is not subject to any formal review. This means that farmers do not have any ability to challenge him out of compensation they receive, leaving them significantly out of pocket as a result of the governments land reform proposals and with a limited ability to make income from the skills which are probably all they have in terms of plying their trade. Zimbabwe is a very spotted political history, particularly in relation to looking after the best interests of its people. President Mugabe also has a proven track record of looking after his own self interests before looking after the interests of his electors. In this regard one must question the political motivation of the Zimbabwean land reform policies and whether in fact it sets out to achieve what it purports to be its aims and objectives. It cannot be disputed that the policy does seek to empower black Zimbabwean population; however this paper suggests that it does not have adequate regard the economic consequences of disenfranchising white farmers, who own most of the profitable land in Zimbabwe. It is this factor that cast doubt over the policy as a whole, however regard need to be had for the current economic situation in any case. Inflation is through the roof, and one needs to consider whether hurting the already crippled Zimbabwean financial sector is a sensible approach in the long run. Conclusion In summary, and in consideration of the above points, it is clear that the land reform policy Zimbabwe post-independence is not one which the government should be proud of. This paper has presented evidence which suggests that British colonisation of Zimbabwe had a view of equal land distribution, but also a view of economic prosperity, in the sense that the most prosperous land was distributed to those who have the skills and knowledge to appropriately deal with and generate profit from that land. Even when Zimbabwe became independent in 1979-1980, the British government continued to allocate funds to Zimbabwe in an attempt to redistribute land, however this distribution occurred on a willing seller, willing buyer basis. This demonstrates the fact that, when the British government had a role in policy forming in Zimbabwe, it always had Zimbabwe’s interests at heart. Since Zimbabwe gained independence, the administration of its affairs has been tainted by greed, fraud and dece ption and the people of Zimbabwe are the ones who have suffered in this regard. To sum up the current land reform policy in Zimbabwe: Since 1890 up to today, the land question has singularly had the most significant impact on Zimbabwes political and economic history. Most recently, the Land Resettlement Program, developed after Zimbabwes independence in 1980, has had mixed reviews. One position is that the program has resulted in one of Africas most successful examples of land redistribution. The other position is that the land reform program in Zimbabwe has been disastrous to the country and its economy. According to some sources, a total of over 3.5 million hectares of land have been resettled. But, [t]here is considerable controversy on the number of people who have [actually] been allocated land.[16]